Contradiction Between the Spirit of July Revolution and Attacks on Indigenous Communities

Introduction

The Students-People’s Uprising of 2024, also known as the July Revolution, ended 16 years of dictatorship rule in Bangladesh. The spirit of it can be characterised by unity, courage, and a collective aspiration to fight for justice and equality. However, the continued attacks on Indigenous communities in Bangladesh stand in sharp contrast to the spirit that the July Revolution sought to uphold. Indigenous groups and activists report that these communities endure severe human rights abuses and significant inequalities in Bangladesh (Faiaz, 2021), and the situation persists even after the July Revolution. 

Historical Background, Incidents and Injustice

Attacks or suffering of Indigenous communities in Bangladesh is not a new phenomenon, as cruelty has been ongoing in this land even before the emergence of Bangladesh, and its legacy continues to this day. For instance, before the emergence of Bangladesh, the Kaptai Dam, constructed in the early 1960s under U.S. and Pakistani direction, exemplifies the tragic displacement and neglect of Indigenous communities, including the Jumma Peoples, in this land (Nalori Chakma, 2021). 

After the liberation war of 1971, when Bangladesh became independent, Bengali nationalism had no time for these Indigenous communities as well, particularly for those who never identified themselves as either Bengalis or Muslims (Schendel, 2020, p. 185). Moreover, this discrimination was crystalised when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman visited the Chittagong Hill Tract, where he addressed the population that was overwhelmingly non-Muslim Bengali or Non-Muslim as ‘brethren’ and told them to become Bengalis, forget their colonial past, and join the mainstream of Bengali culture (Schendel, 2020, p. 185). The locals left the meeting in protest, marking the event as momentous in the Chittagong Hill Tracts as Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s infamous ‘Urdu-will-be-the-state-language-of-Pakistan’ speech had been in East Pakistan a generation earlier (Schendel, 2020, p. 185). 

Furthermore, in the late 1970s, President Ziaur Rehman initiated a population transfer programme, incentivising Bengalis to move to the Chittagong Hills, thereby displacing locals. The military’s presence also led to abuses, including forced evictions and violence, with over 2000 Indigenous women reportedly raped between 1971 and 1994 (Bleckner, 2015). The 1997 peace accord sought to end this violence and recognise the tribes’ distinct ethnicity and autonomy. Nearly two decades of armed conflict that killed thousands of people and displaced many more transpired in the same place, resulting in the signing of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord in 1997 (Amnesty International, 2020) between the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghaty Samity (PCJSS) and the then Awami League government (Shuvo, 2022). However, the full implementation is elusive to this day as successive Bangladeshi governments have failed to deliver the autonomy promised by the peace accord.

Challenges Confronted by Indigenous Communities Before the July Revolution

The Bangladesh government has implemented repressive measures and deployed a substantial military presence. However, instead of safeguarding the communities, this military intervention has exacerbated human rights violations (Bleckner, 2015). In predominantly Muslim Bangladesh, Indigenous groups—primarily practitioners of Theravada Buddhism and speakers of local Tibeto-Burman dialects—have long faced displacement and suffering (Bleckner, 2015).

For instance, during the Awami League Regime, the August 2014 killing of Timir Baran Chakma, an Indigenous Jumma activist allegedly in Bangladeshi military custody, sparked protests from his supporters. His death, along with the lack of justice and the ongoing plight of his people in the Chittagong Hills region, garnered minimal international attention (Bleckner, 2015). Members of the CHT Commission reported to Human Rights Watch that Bengali settlers, sometimes with security forces’ complicity, attacked Indigenous communities, leading to clashes and even assaults on commission members, with perpetrators still unprosecuted (Bleckner, 2015). 

Furthermore, The Kapaeeng Foundation reported that in 2014, at least 51 women and girls suffered sexual violence by Bengali settlers and the military, with ten cases already reported by May 2015. Earlier this year, Bengali settlers gang-raped a Bagdi woman and her daughter. Perpetrators are rarely prosecuted, and survivors often face threats to withdraw their cases.

In January 2025, the Bangladesh Home Ministry introduced a directive increasing military checkpoints and restricting meetings with Indigenous people, which was later withdrawn under public pressure but still requires foreigners to inform the Home Ministry before visits. Also, Michael Chakma, an Indigenous rights activist, disappeared on April 9th, 2019, and the government ignored inquiries about his case from the High Court, the National Human Rights Commission, and the United Nations Committee against Torture (Bleckner, 2025). The High Court ordered the Home Ministry to submit a report on Michael Chakma’s disappearance, who alleged he was tortured by law enforcement; the Inspector General of Police claimed they could not find him in any prison (Bleckner, 2025). Countless incidents like this occurred during the Hasina Regime.

Post-July Revolution Struggles for Indigenous Communities

After Sheikh Hasina’s resignation, rioters targeted her supporters, including Hindus, Ahmadi Muslims, and ethnic minorities, leading to violence that claimed over 200 lives (Tirana Hassan, n.d.). Investigations by Prothom Alo’s correspondents across 64 districts and 67 upazilas revealed that minority communities faced attacks in 49 districts, and the Christian and Ahmadiyya Muslim communities, along with ethnic minorities, were also targeted (Staff Correspondent, 2024b). The Kapaeeng Foundation, a human rights organisation for ethnic minorities, also reported at least ten attacks on ethnic minority communities in Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Naogaon, Chapainawabganj, and Thakurgaon (Staff Correspondent, 2024b). 

Furthermore, the post-July revolution attacks on Indigenous communities also include the violence that erupted in the Chittagong Hill Tracts in September 2024, when mobs attacked and burned the properties of ethnic minorities, claiming that Indigenous Jumma community members had killed a Bengali settler (Tirana Hassan, n.d.). Ethnic minorities in Bangladesh’s southern hilly region are living in fear following clashes that resulted in four deaths and dozens of injuries, according to police and witnesses (Paul, 2024). 

The International Land Coalition has also voiced its deep concern about the ongoing, targeted attacks on Indigenous Peoples in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh since September 18th, 2024, as confirmed by its member, the Kapaeeng Foundation (ILC statement on Bangladesh, 2024). According to news reports, widespread violence has erupted where at least 110 homes and businesses belonging to Indigenous Peoples were set on fire in the CHT by members of the dominant Bengali community. Prothom Alo has also confirmed the deaths of three Indigenous men: Junan Chakma (20), Dhananjay Chakma (50), and Rubel Tripura (30), with at least 15 others hospitalised. 

Despite the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord, militarisation, extractive activities, and land grabbing persist, instilling fear and risk of eviction and violence among Indigenous Peoples. Disinformation and hate speech targeting Indigenous groups have intensified, including provocative mosque loudspeaker speeches, leading to the torching of Indigenous-owned businesses in Dighinala. When Jumma youth protested, the military used live ammunition to disperse them, resulting in at least four deaths, with independent international human rights monitors and journalists remaining barred from accessing the area as well (Tirana Hassan, n.d.). 

Additionally, clashes erupted between two groups during demonstrations over the inclusion of “Adivasi” graffiti in textbooks, leading to attacks and injuries (Staff Correspondent, 2025d). The confrontation over including “Adivasi” graffiti in textbooks began when two opposing groups faced off during their demonstrations (Tribune Desk, 2025b). Demonstrators under the banner of ‘Students for Sovereignty’, allegedly Dhaka University students, twice attacked the group protesting under the banner of ‘Sangkhubdhho Adivasi Chhatra-Janata’ in the presence of police (Staff Correspondent, 2025e).

Removing the word “Adivasi” from the back cover of NCTB textbooks is seen as a betrayal of the July uprising’s spirit (Staff Correspondent, 2025a). The haste to make such changes to appease a small group has heightened fears among Indigenous communities about preserving their identity during the interim government period (Staff Correspondent, 2025a). The removal of the graffiti containing the word “Adivasi” from a textbook for ninth and tenth grades, following demands by ultra-nationalist groups, contradicts the aspirations of the July uprising (Staff Correspondent, 2025c). At least 20 people were injured in an attack on an Indigenous group and its supporters protesting the graffiti removal (Mizan, M., & Rahaman, A., 2025).

The police have made no headway in investigating recent attacks on demonstrating national minority students, while protests against the perpetrators continued for the fifth consecutive day (Staff Correspondent, 2025b). According to The Daily Star, police inaction contributed to the violence, which could have been prevented with decisive action (Editorial Board, 2025). An eyewitness reported to Prothom Alo that police did not protect Indigenous protesters or restrain their attackers.

However, the next day, police swiftly deployed water cannons and sound grenades against activists protesting Wednesday’s attack, raising questions about equal rights in the new Bangladesh (Editorial Board, 2025). The Indigenous people’s rights movement is not just their movement but a movement for all people of Bangladesh (Mohammed, 2025). The previous autocratic government forbade the use of the term “Indigenous” for Indigenous people, and there are concerns this government may do the same, with questions arising as to why NCTB erased graffiti from textbooks at the demand of one group (Mohammed, 2025). In response to attacks on ethnic minority students during a demonstration against the removal of “Adivasi” from textbooks, a road blockade and protest march were also held in Rangamati, demanding the arrest and proper trial of those involved (Tribune Desk, 2025a).

The Chairperson of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and the Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Issues expressed deep concern over reports of escalating violence against Indigenous Peoples in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh (Ibrahim & Tzay, 2024).

Restoration and Resolving Underlying Causes

Bangladesh has begun to dream of a new future through anti-discrimination movements, which can be achieved by ending long-standing inequalities and securing the rights of all, including Indigenous peoples (Staff Correspondent, 2025a). The government should take initiatives such as establishing a separate land commission for Indigenous peoples in the plains and activating the Chittagong Hill Tracts Land Commission. 

Moreover, there should be an independent and impartial investigation into these incidents under the supervision of the United Nations, the enactment of a minority protection act, the formation of a national minority commission, and the establishment of a ministry for minorities. Proportional representation of minorities in government and parliament is essential (Staff Correspondent, 2024a). Additionally, the recognition of religious holidays, such as a three-day holiday for Hindus during Durga Puja and one day each for Buddhists during Buddha Purnima and Christians on Easter Sunday, should be ensured (Staff Correspondent, 2024a).

The political, social, economic, cultural, and land rights of Indigenous peoples should be ensured. The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord must be implemented with a clear, time-bound roadmap, and a separate ministry and land commission should be established for Indigenous peoples in plain land areas (Mohammed, 2025). Projects like eco-parks, social forestry, eco-tourism, Export Processing Zone (EPZ), or other developments should not be established on Indigenous lands without their prior consent. The Sahebganj-Bagda farmland must be returned to its original local owners, and all oppression, persecution, and false cases against Indigenous peoples should be stopped immediately (Mohammed, 2025).

International frameworks such as the UN General Assembly Declaration on Indigenous Peoples, ILO Convention 169, and ILO Convention 107 should be implemented. Special seats must be reserved for Indigenous peoples in the National Parliament, and designated seats should be allocated for them in local government council elections in Indigenous-populated areas. Steps should also be taken to ensure fair wages and improve the living standards of all tea workers, including Indigenous peoples working in tea gardens. Additionally, 5 percent of quotas should be reserved for Indigenous peoples in first-class government jobs and the country’s higher education institutions. These measures are essential for addressing the root causes of inequalities and ensuring a just and equitable future for all communities in Bangladesh.

Conclusion

Nonetheless, the ongoing attacks against Bangladesh’s Indigenous populations are a far cry from the ideals that the July Revolution aimed to preserve. These Indigenous communities in Bangladesh continue to face serious inequality and violations of human rights, even after the July Revolution. Thus, the true essence of the July Revolution can only be established when the equal rights of Indigenous communities are fully upheld.

Bibliography

Amnesty International. (2020, December 11). Bangladesh: Fully implement rights provisions of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord. Amnesty. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa13/3407/2020/en/ 

Bleckner, J. (2015, May 18). Bangladesh’s Persecuted Indigenous People. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/05/18/bangladeshs-persecuted-Indigenous-people

Bleckner, J. (2025, January 27). After the Monsoon Revolution: A Roadmap to Lasting Security Sector Reform in Bangladesh. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2025/01/27/after-monsoon-revolution/roadmap-lasting-security-sector-reform-bangladesh 

Chakma, N. (2021, November 1).  The Kaptai Dam: A Story of Disenfranchisement, Displacement, and Destruction. International Rivers. https://www.internationalrivers.org/news/the-kaptai-dam-a-story-of-disenfranchisement-displacement-and-destruction/ 

Editorial Board. (2025, January 16). The new Bangladesh must be inclusive. The Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/the-new-bangladesh-must-be-inclusive-3800941

Faiaz, Z. (2021, July 30). Attacks, land grabs leave Bangladesh’s Indigenous groups on edge. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/30/bangladesh-Indigenous-groups-chakma-khasi-santal-land-grab

Ibrahim, M. H. O., & Tzay, M. J. F. C. (2024, October 14). Statement by the Chairperson of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Social Inclusion. https://social.desa.un.org/issues/Indigenous-peoples/news/Chairperson-UNPFII-statement

ILC statement on Bangladesh. (2024, September 25). Denouncing the violence on Indigenous Peoples in Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh. International Land Coalition. https://www.landcoalition.org/en/latest/ilc-statement-violence-chittagong-hill-tracts/

Mizan, M., & Rahaman, A. (2025, January 16). Removal of word ‘adivasi’: Indigenous group attacked at NCTB; 20 hurt. The Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/removal-word-adivasi-Indigenous-group-attacked-nctb-20-hurt-3799851 

Mohammed, M. (2025, January 31). Bangladesh Adivasi Forum demands constitutional recognition of Indigenous people. Dhaka Tribune. https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/dhaka/372413/mass-gathering-arranged-by-bangladesh-adivasi 

Paul, R. (2024, September 21). Fears grip ethnic minorities after deadly violence in Bangladesh. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/fears-grip-ethnic-minorities-after-deadly-violence-bangladesh-2024-09-21/ 

Staff Correspondent. (2024a, September 24). Attacks on minority communities: At least 9 killed from Aug 4 to 20. The Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/crime-justice/news/attacks-minority-communities-least-9-killed-aug-4-20-3707466 

Staff Correspondent. Communal violence: 1068 houses and business establishments attacked. (2024b, September 12). Prothom Alo. https://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/97chuvmupe

Staff Correspondent. (2025a, January 14). A betrayal of July uprising’s spirit. The Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/betrayal-july-uprisings-spirit-3798756 

Staff Correspondent. (2025b, January 20). ATTACK ON NAT’L MINORITY STUDENTS: No headway in probe as protest on in many areas in Bangladesh. NewAge BD. https://www.newagebd.net/post/country/255837/attack-on-natl-minority-students-no-headway-in-probe-as-protest-on-in-many-areas-in-bangladesh

Staff Correspondent. (2025c, January 15). It contradicts with July uprising’s spirit. The Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/it-contradicts-july-uprisings-spirit-3799406 

Staff Correspondent. (2025d, January 18). Protest programme comes under attack on NCTB premises. Prothom Alo. https://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/k9jaxg8o20 

Staff Correspondent. (2025e, January 15). Protesting ethnic minority students attacked. NewAge BD. https://www.newagebd.net/post/country/255414/protesting-ethnic-minority-students-attacked 

Schendel, W. V. (2020). Colonial conflicts. A History of Bangladesh (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press.

Shuvo, M. (2022, December 2). CHT peace accord: 25 years on, full implementation still elusive. The Daily Star. https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/cht-peace-accord-25-years-full-implementation-still-elusive-3184896 

Tirana Hassan. (n.d.). Bangladesh Events of 2024. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2025/country-chapters/bangladesh 

Tribune Desk. (2025a, January 16). Road blocked in Rangamati over attack on ethnic minority students in Dhaka. Dhaka Tribune. https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/nation/370951/road-blockade-in-rangamati-over-attack-on-hill 

Tribune Desk. (2025b, January 15). Students for Sovereignty accused of attacking ethnic protesters over textbook graffiti. Dhaka Tribune. https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/dhaka/370869/%E2%80%98students-for-sovereignty%E2%80%99-allegedly-attacks