Female Political Representation in Post-Liberation Bangladesh: Dynamics, Challenges and the Impact of Women’s Rights Movements

Introduction

Female representation in politics is a contested issue worldwide. In 2024, the global share of female members of parliament (MPs) reached only 27 percent, reflecting a minimal increase (0.1 percent) compared to previous years (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2024). Similarly, Bangladesh struggles to achieve gender parity, with a share of women in Jatiya Sangshad (national parliament) at a stagnant 20 percent (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2024). Nevertheless, women have played a notable role in Bangladesh’s political system and the development of a strong, unified civil society. Women’s movements have brought critical issues into political discussions, such as reproductive rights, violence against women, and economic equality, in addition to demanding women’s quota reforms to ensure equal political representation. 

Today, Bangladesh ranks 99th on the Global Gender Gap Index out of 146 countries, dropping 40 positions since 2023, yet still leading its South Asian neighbours (World Economic Forum, 2024). Despite the country’s deeply embedded patriarchal nature and 90 percent Muslim majority, Sheikh Hasina (Awami League) has been the longest-serving female prime minister in the world, leading the country since its democratic transition in 1991. The recent fall of her regime and the Supreme Court’s complete abolition of women’s quota laws raise critical questions on the perception of female leadership in Bangladeshi society, the future of female representation and the evolving trajectory of women’s rights movements. 

The article will give a broad historical background on female parliamentary representation and rights activism in pre- and post-independence Bangladesh, drawing on relevant literature. Historical trends and contributions of female-led social movements will be analysed. Consequently, the article will evaluate the systematic challenges for women’s representation, focusing on inter-party biases and quota reforms and providing prospects for female empowerment in the wake of the recent political crisis. 

History of Female Representation Before 1971 

Female political representation has a long history in Bangladesh, from the British colonial era (1757-1947) to struggles against Pakistan (1947-1970), and the 1971 liberation war to the ongoing political crisis. In the context of British colonialism, the political rights of women were limited, and their roles were confined to domestic household work. Viewing colonised societies as ‘backwards’, the British imposed gendered standards and patriarchal norms that further suppressed female decision-making rights and political involvement (Agnes, 2011). However, this period is important in shaping the anti-colonial struggle within Bengali society and a crucial starting point for emerging feminist ideas. The role of Rokeya Sakhawat as a social reformer was significant in challenging the patriarchal norms of Muslim society, advocating for female education, and inspiring today’s Bangladeshi feminist movements with her writings (Nazneen, 2017). 

Under Pakistani rule (1947-1970), disparities grew along ethnic, cultural, and linguistic lines, in addition to the economic exploitation and the political exclusion of East Pakistan (Jahan, 2012). This period marked an important step in the struggle for equal representation driven by women’s wings within existing political parties (primarily Awami League) and independent women’s organisations. In opposition to the Pakistani government, in 1970, the East Pakistan Women’s Council was created – a non-cooperation movement declared by Bangabandhu, the founding leader of Bangladesh. Women from all classes and party affiliations played a significant role in demanding the establishment of parliamentary sovereignty and women’s direct election to previously established reserved seats (Chowdhury, 1998).

The groups involved in the non-cooperation movement gave rise to the oldest women’s rights organisation in Bangladesh, Mahila Parishad, which has since advocated for female empowerment. Most notable achievements include the enactment of the Anti-Dowry Bill (1980) and efforts to implement the Uniform Family Code (Tasneem et al., 2020). A uniform family code was aimed to ensure legal equality for women across all religions, ultimately altering the Religious Personal Law. However, it has never passed due to religious minority backlashes, raising concerns regarding the movements’ commitment to the inclusive representation of religious minority women securing a separate religious identity (Tasneem et al., 2020; Nazneen, 2017). Today, Mahila Parishad represents the largest lobby and advocacy organisation working on eradicating violence and empowering women following the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) framework as a policy guide (Haug et al., 2012).

Post-liberation Dynamics 

The adoption of the Bangladesh constitution in 1972 marked the shift towards progressive policies on women’s rights and political participation. State relations with women’s movements became more cooperative, which in turn attracted more developmental projects and international funding (Azim, 2016). The commitment was reflected in various legal provisions, including the Bangladeshi Civil Service (BCS) quota, which, despite some changes over the years, reserved ten percent of the government jobs for women, ten percent for certain districts, thirty percent for descendants of freedom fighters, five percent for ethnic minorities, and one percent for people with disabilities (Rahman, 2014). 

Additional reinforcement efforts were reflected in fundamental rights Article 28 (2), “Women shall have equal rights with men in all spheres of the State and of public life” (Bangladesh Constitution, 1972). As per Article 28 (4), “Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making special provision in favour of women or children or for the advancement of any backward section of citizens” (Bangladesh Constitution, 1972). Despite the implicit framing of women as a ‘backwards section’ of the society, these constitutional provisions, along with the country’s post-1991 democratisation processes, gradually increased women’s descriptive representation (number of women in national parliament). According to the Inter-Parliamentary  Union, 15 women represented the national parliament out of 315 members in the 1973 elections (Inter-Parliamentary  Union, n.d.)

With the abolition of military rule and the declaration of Bangladesh as an electoral democracy, numbers began to shift. Women’s share of parliamentary seats was below 12 percent until 2001. However, it rose to approximately 20 percent by 2018 (Inter-Parliamentary  Union, n.d.). Importantly, female political leaders Sheikh Hasina (Awami League) and Khaleda Zia (Bangladesh Nationalist Party), representing the two biggest national parties, have dominated Bangladeshi politics since the country’s shift towards democratisation. Although dynastic ties played a huge role in their rise to power, they both contributed to improving female representation. Notably, the Awami League introduced direct elections for the Union Parishad (lowest-level local government) in 1997, marking steps towards increased inclusion in grassroots governance (BIDG, 2014). 

Post-1971 developments marked by nationalist struggles and gradual democratisation provided a bigger platform for female representation. Institutional progress and female dominance in party leadership further underscored the growing importance of women in decision-making processes.

Current Challenges for Female Representation 

Inter-party Biases 

Bangladesh paved its way to greater political inclusion of women via constitutional reforms, persistent women’s groups’ engagement and their pressure for policy changes. Despite the institutional progress, substantive representation of women and their concerns still are not fully reflected in the Bangladeshi power structures. Lack of financial resources, political training, and domestic work are important restrictive factors for women to engage in mobilising voters and running for elections (UN Asia and Pacific, 2021). 

The recent manifestos of the major parties in Bangladesh – Awami League (AL), Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami – show little to no commitment for politically empowering women. Parties primarily revolve around integrating women into the country’s developmental agenda by providing better opportunities for education and economic advancement. This approach highlights women’s contributions to economic growth rather than parties’ willingness to create equal political representation. AL’s section on female empowerment integrates both children’s and women’s rights, highlighting economic development through trade and commerce (BSS, 2023). BNP, in its “31-point structural reforms”, takes a step further by advocating for the greater inclusion of women in national and local government structures, yet with no specific mentions of direct elections for women (Bangladesh National Party, n.d.). Jammat-e-Islami, the biggest Islamist party, was recently unbanned by Bangladesh’s interim government and is touted as one of the election contenders in the upcoming years (“Bangladesh’s Interim Government Lifts Ban on Jamaat-e-Islami Party, 2024). In its 2008 manifesto, the party paid no attention to female political empowerment and integrated women’s rights into a Sharia-based framework (Iqbal et al., 2014). 

The narratives of the most recent party manifestos align very similarly with those provided by BRAC University’s 2008 analysis, demonstrating that parties have a vague discourse on female empowerment and place the issue into a broad developmental agenda. Challenging the existing patriarchal power structures and politically empowering women remain absent and have not been ideologically shifted since 2008 (Iqbal et al., 2014). Despite having women in leadership, both AL and BNP have operated within these systems, which have limited transformative changes to women’s substantive representation in the Bangladesh parliament. 

 Female representation is at its tipping point as Bangladesh is heading into a crucial election cycle in late 2025 or early 2026. Amidst serious political turmoil, the same old political parties are expected to take part in the elections. This raises concerns that, despite political turnover, female representation may not improve and even regress, as these parties indicate very little commitment to include women in their political structures. On the other hand, there is renewed hope in recently launched student-led parties, such as Jatiya Nagorik or the National Citizens’ Party (NCP), which promises to create Bangladesh’s second republic based on a new democratic constitution. The party declaration condemns the historic autocracy and establishes equality as the foundation for state formation (“Second Republic, New Constitution: Youth Float National Citizen Party., 2025b). NCP’s growing pubic support is expected to shift the electoral landscape, offering potential opportunities for democratisation and greater female inclusion.

Fall of Sheikh Hasina and Abolishment of Women’s Quotas 

The quota system acts as a double-edged sword in Bangladesh. While it ensured the minimum level of representation, its limitations and symbolic nature undermined the progress and stagnated the share of female MPs in parliament. The number of female representations is a direct reflection of the system. This is evident in the 2001 elections when, in the absence of reserved seats, only two percent of women were elected to the parliament (Halder, 2004). We also see very few women elected directly through elections. The main limitations of Bangladesh’s women’s quota lie in its procedural and enforcement mechanisms. 

Bangladesh, as a majoritarian electoral system, selects its 300 members via direct elections from single-member constituencies. The other 50 seats are reserved for women indirectly elected by the ruling party. This creates an unequal playing field for women, as they are not accountable for mobilising voters, do not receive funding, and act as “second-tier” politicians (UN Asia and Pacific, 2021). As Bjarnegård and Zetterberg (2022) argue in their study about autocratic gender washing, Bangladeshi parties strategically weaponise women’s rights through gender quotas to divert attention from other undemocratic practices and attract international funding. This was particularly illustrated by the 14th amendment’s (2004) strengthening of quota previsions, while the retirement age of Supreme Court judges increased in favour of the BNP-aligned K.M. Hasan (Bjarnegård & Zetterberg, 2022). The reserved seats increased to 50 seats out of 350 in 2018 (Bahari et al., 2019). Despite continued efforts and demands from women’s organisations like Mahila Parishad, parties remain hesitant about direct elections (Halder, 2004). 

The quota system has become even more controversial in the recent political crisis. In 2018, demands for quota reduction due to a lack of transparency and high unemployment rates erupted into massive protests and led to quota abolishment by Sheikh Hasina’s government. With a 2024 Supreme Court ruling, women’s quotas were entirely removed from the system. Even though quotas did not necessarily lead to huge transformations, they did increase women’s visibility in the political party structures and raise women’s concerns in Bangladeshi political discourse. Such a sudden shift undermines even the minimal representation of women that historically existed under quota and reverses the progress achieved by women’s movements. The ruling also raises questions over the Supreme Court’s constitutional legitimacy and commitment to equality under Article 28 and leads to drawbacks in the progress the country has historically made (Rahman, 2024). 

In addition to a scrapped quota system, the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s system is likely to shift the discourse surrounding the perception of female leadership in Bangladeshi society. Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule is often associated with repression, severe human rights abuses, and electoral manipulations. Her authoritarian legacy might exarbate negative sentiments towards female leadership as well as deepen public scepticism. Hasina’s rule might be used as an argument to discredit future female leadership and undermine public support in a country where the existing playing field is already unequal for women. Thus, sudden removal of women’s quotas and stigma associated with historical female leadership may limit the future female representation in Bangladesh politics – despite the symbolic visibility increased through gender quotas. 

Future Prospects 

Bangladesh has made significant progress in increasing women’s descriptive representation since 1971. The country has progressed its constitutional reforms and benefited from international developmental programmes addressing female education and equal economic opportunities. However, the masculinist nature of the dominant parties, gender-biased cultural practices, and weak institutional enforcement mechanisms hinder women’s full inclusion in decision-making processes. Women-led movements and feminist organisations have played a transforming role in the process by employing advocacy and lobbying efforts to address political inequalities in the country. Female activism and women’s political mobilisation against Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule further illustrate their importance for state reformation and challenging male-dominated party structures. 

Bangladesh is facing a critical situation as the ongoing civil unrest and vigilante justice spread across the country. The end of Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime might represent a critical juncture for restoring peace and progressive reforms. Muhammad Yunus, a Nobel laureate and leader of the interim government backed by the mobilised students, is a central actor in navigating the current challenges. For the future of women’s representation, the critical juncture could present either a stepping stone or a setback for women’s movements. 

Women’s groups might benefit from pushing their agenda further in this transformative period. Active participation and political mobilisation among young female students indicate their leadership capabilities and willingness to be at the forefront of political transformations. The National Citizens’ Party also emerges as a key facilitator and a hope for a democratic transition. However, the Supreme Court’s decision to remove reserved seats, along with political parties’ reluctance to include more women, Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian legacy and the government’s inability to address the current political unrest complicate the process. Looking ahead, addressing the ongoing political crisis and ensuring justice for all Bangladeshi citizens will be essential for a democratic transition with equitable female representation.

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