Prisoners of Conscience in Georgia: Case of Mzia Amaghlobeli

Introduction

Mzia Amaghlobeli is a well-known Georgian journalist and civil society activist. She is the manager and founder of two of the country’s most independent and critical media outlets, Batumelebi and Netgazeti. On January 11th, 2025, she was arbitrarily detained under administrative law while putting up a protest sticker. She was later released on a personal guarantee, but shortly after, she was detained again under criminal law, this time charged under Article 353¹, part one of the Georgian Criminal Code, an article that pertains to assaulting a police officer in connection with their official duties. Batumi City Court then imposed the strictest measure of restraint: pre-trial detention.

Her arrest comes at a time when independent journalism in Georgia is under increasing threat, with her case drawing attention both locally and internationally. However, Mzia’s situation is not just about one individual. It reflects a broader trend of shrinking media freedom and rising repression against critical voices. In recent years, Georgia has seen growing pressure on journalists, with incidents of harassment, lawsuits, and even physical violence. It can be assumed that the space for free speech in Georgia is narrowing, especially for those who challenge the government’s narrative.

The aim of this article is to explore the case of Mzia Amaghlobeli in the wider context of media freedom and democratic decline in Georgia. It will examine the legal justifications given by authorities, her role as a journalist and activist, and the reaction from the public and international community. It will also analyse whether her case meets the international definition of a prisoner of conscience.

By looking closely at this case, the article will show how legal tools can be used not to protect rights but to limit them, a method often referred to as “lawfare.” The analysis will also highlight the broader impact such actions have on journalism and civil society in Georgia. Through this lens, Mzia’s arrest becomes more than a single injustice, it becomes a warning about the state of democracy and freedom of expression in the country.

Background

Georgia has long presented itself as a democratic and reform-minded state, especially in its aspirations toward European Union (EU) membership. The Constitution of Georgia even states that “the constitutional bodies shall take all measures within the scope of their competences to ensure the full integration of Georgia into the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation.” For years, the Georgian people have fought tirelessly for a European future, but that hope was shattered on November 28th, 2024, when the Prime Minister of Georgia announced that Georgia would remove the opening of accession talks with the EU from its agenda. This became a breaking point, outraged people flooded the streets. Mzia Amaghlobeli was one of them.

For two months, the government of Georgia has used every weapon in its arsenal against peaceful demonstrators: tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, and anything else at their disposal.  When that was not enough, they resorted to beatings and mass arrests. Hundreds have been detained on administrative charges, while more than 50 face criminal charges for simply raising their voices. 

The Government of Georgia has been violating the Constitution not only regarding EU integration but also in terms of human rights. Concerns about media freedom have increased significantly. Journalists, particularly those who criticise the ruling party, face growing pressure through legal harassment, smear campaigns, and physical threats.

Freedom of expression is the backbone of democracy, enabling individuals to hold opinions and to seek, receive, and share information without interference. Article 17 of the Georgian Constitution guarantees freedom of opinion, mass media, and the internet. However,this right has never come easily. It took years of struggle before the law on freedom of speech and expression was passed in 2004. However, in recent years, Georgia’s press freedom rankings have steadily declined. According to Reporters Without Borders, Georgia was ranked 77th out of 180 countries in the 2023 World Press Freedom Index, a significant drop from previous years when Georgia was considered one of the more media-pluralistic countries in the post-Soviet region.

This drop has been noted by international observers and human rights organisations, who warn that Georgia is no longer progressing toward stronger democratic standards but instead slipping backwards. While independent media still exist, they operate in an increasingly hostile environment where political polarisation and state interference are rising.

Over the years, countless activists and journalists have been harassed, prosecuted, or even imprisoned for speaking out against the government. One of the most shocking examples was the events of  July 5th, 2021, when far-right protesters attacked journalists covering anti-LGBTQIA+ counter-protests in Tbilisi. Over 50 journalists were injured. Cameraman Lekso Lashkarava later died from injuries he sustained during the attack. His death became symbolic of the government’s failure to protect the press.

Legal harassment is also widespread. Lawsuits and investigations are frequently launched against independent media outlets and their staff. Instead of ensuring justice and protection, state institutions are often silent or complicit. Perpetrators of violence are rarely held accountable. Public officials have even used hostile language, calling journalists “agents” or “enemies.” This environment has created a culture of fear and self-censorship.

The political landscape has also changed. While democratic reforms once gave hope, the current ruling party, Georgian Dream, has been accused of gradually eroding democratic institutions. Many now argue that Georgia shows signs of competitive authoritarianism; elections exist, but checks and balances are increasingly weak.

In this context, critical journalists are often portrayed as threats to national security or “foreign agents.” The government’s control over the media narrative and its use of public institutions to punish dissent is becoming more visible. Cases like Mzia Amaghlobeli’s are not isolated, they are part of a deliberate strategy to silence critics.

The Case of Mzia Amaghlobeli

As mentioned above, Mzia Amaghlobeli was arrested in early 2025. On January 11th, she went to the Batumi police department to support her colleague, who had been detained for a similar act of protest. In solidarity, she placed a banner on the police fence calling for a nationwide strike. Without any prior warning or lawful grounds, she was arbitrarily detained under administrative law. Just one hour later, she was released on a personal guarantee.

It’s important to note that under the Administrative Offences Code of Georgia, police officers can only detain individuals under clearly defined conditions, and placing a protest sticker or banner does not qualify as an offence. To justify the arrest, the police drew up a detention report under Article 173 of the Administrative Offences Code (disobedience to lawful orders), but no actual administrative offence report was filed, nor did a court confirm that any offence had occurred.

Shortly after her release, Mzia was detained again but this time under criminal law, after reportedly slapping the head of Batumi Police, Irakli Dgebuadze, who had insulted her. Following this incident, Mzia was subjected to humiliating and inappropriate treatment by the same police chief. Witnesses reported that Dgebuadze verbally abused her, threatened criminal charges, and made repeated attempts to physically confront her while she was in custody. Other officers intervened to remove him. He reportedly spat in her face and denied her access to drinking water and other basic needs while she was held in the police station.

Despite these serious circumstances, the Georgian Prosecutor’s Office charged Mzia under Article 353¹ of the Criminal Code, which criminalises assault on a police officer in relation to their professional duties. The law requires specific elements: a violent and aggressive attack, direct intent, and a clear connection to the officer’s official role. Mzia’s alleged action, taken in response to insult and abuse, does not meet these criteria. Her case raises legitimate concerns about the selective and politicised application of criminal law.

On January 14th, 2025, the Batumi City Court ruled that she would be held in pre-trial detention until March. She was transferred to the Women’s Special Detention Facility in Rustavi, southern Georgia. From January 12th to February 18th, Mzia began a hunger strike in protest against her arbitrary detention. Initially, she was denied appropriate and regular medical care in violation of basic human rights standards. Only after her health had sharply deteriorated was she transferred to a hospital for examination. On February 18th, she announced the end of her hunger strike and agreed to resume eating under medical supervision.

The response to her arrest was immediate. More than 30 civil society organisations in Georgia signed a joint statement calling for her release. Journalists in Tbilisi, Batumi, and Kutaisi held solidarity protests. Internationally, Amnesty International issued an urgent action appeal, and media freedom watchdogs, including the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Representative on Freedom of the Media, condemned the detention.

Since November 28th, 2024, the government of Georgia has intensified its crackdown on dissent. Hundreds of people, including journalists, have been attacked, detained, or obstructed in their work. Mzia Amaghlobeli is currently the only woman political prisoner in Georgia and the first female journalist to be recognised as a prisoner of conscience in the country.

Legal Framework

The case of Mzia Amaghlobeli must be examined not only through the lens of Georgian law but also in light of the regional and international human rights obligations that Georgia has committed to. These standards are essential for understanding why her arrest raises so many concerns and whether the state is violating its own promises to uphold freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and the rule of law.

On January 11th, 2025, Mzia went to the demonstration to support her detained colleagues and to express her political views. She placed protest stickers on the wall of the local police station, a peaceful act of dissent. According to Article 17 of the Constitution of Georgia, freedom of opinion, information, and mass media is protected: “No one shall be persecuted because of their opinion or for expressing their opinion.” Furthermore, Article 21 of the Constitution guarantees the right to peaceful assembly. These provisions apply to every person in Georgia, not just to journalists, and are designed to protect protest as a legitimate form of political participation.

Georgia is also legally bound by the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Article 10 of the Convention protects freedom of expression, including the right to hold opinions and to receive and share information without interference. This includes symbolic acts like placing protest materials in public spaces. Article 11 protects the right to peaceful assembly. The states have a positive obligation not only to refrain from interfering with peaceful protests but also to protect those who participate. Arresting someone for a peaceful protest, especially without clear legal grounds, may constitute a breach of both articles.

Article six of the ECHR guarantees the right to a fair trial. In Mzia’s case, there are serious doubts about the fairness of the legal process. Her pre-trial detention appears disproportionate, and the state’s evidence relies heavily on statements from the same police institution accused of abuse. The presumption of innocence, procedural fairness, and judicial independence must all be ensured, especially when the charges carry the risk of long-term imprisonment.

Internationally, Georgia is also a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Article 19 and Article 21 mirror the protections of the ECHR. In General Comment No. 37, the UN Human Rights Committee stated that peaceful protest is indispensable in a democratic society and that restrictions on it must be strictly limited. Punishing someone for a non-violent protest, especially for a symbolic act like putting up a sticker, does not meet the international standards of “necessity and proportionality.”

Lastly, Amnesty International defines a prisoner of conscience as any person imprisoned or restricted solely because of their beliefs, political, religious, or otherwise, as long as they have not used or advocated violence. Mzia’s peaceful protest, her hunger strike, and her professional background as a journalist all point to the fact that she is being punished not for a crime but for her convictions. By that definition, she qualifies as a prisoner of conscience.

The legal protections for freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and fair trial are not symbolic, they are binding. But in Mzia’s case, they seem to have been ignored, manipulated, or openly violated.

Human Rights Violations and Political Motives

Mzia’s arrest raises several legal concerns, but the deeper issue is the political message behind it. Her treatment suggests that the authorities are using the criminal justice system not as a tool for accountability but as a means to intimidate and silence critics. This approach, sometimes referred to as “lawfare”, allows governments to maintain a facade of legality while targeting dissenters with vague or exaggerated charges.

The crime she is accused of, assaulting a police officer, requires specific legal conditions that clearly do not apply in her case. Her action was a response to humiliation and provocation, not a violent or planned attack. The disproportionate charge, combined with the degrading treatment and pre-trial detention, suggests that the real purpose was punishment and deterrence.

In recent years, this tactic has become common in Georgia. Journalists, activists, and even ordinary protesters are increasingly subjected to administrative fines, criminal charges, and long legal proceedings. Even when they are eventually acquitted, the process itself becomes the punishment, consuming time, resources, and emotional energy.

This has a chilling effect not only on individual activists but on society as a whole. Mzia’s case sends a clear message to others: protesting, speaking out, or challenging state power can come at a high cost. Over time, this weakens public participation, erodes trust in the justice system, and shrinks the space for civic life.

When peaceful protest is criminalised, and when dissenting voices are portrayed as enemies of the state, democracy itself is put at risk. What is at stake in Mzia’s case is not only her personal freedom but the right of all Georgians to speak, to resist, and to hold power accountable.

Conclusion

The case of Mzia Amaghlobeli has become more than just a legal issue, it is now a symbol of the shrinking democratic space in Georgia. Her arrest shows how fragile basic rights have become, even in a country that claims to follow democratic standards and international law.

What happened to Mzia is not an isolated event. It fits into a broader pattern where dissent is treated as a threat and where legal tools are used not for justice but for political control. When peaceful protest is met with handcuffs and when symbolic acts lead to prison, the message is clear: criticism will not be tolerated.

At the same time, her case also shows that civil society in Georgia is still alive and still resisting. The public outcry, the support from rights groups, and the solidarity shown by fellow journalists prove that many people are not willing to stay silent.

Every protest has its face. Georgia has Mzia. She is a prisoner of conscience. Women in Georgia have always been on the frontlines, defending what matters most – freedom and dignity. This case is not only a warning; it is also a call. It reminds us why free speech matters and why defending it is more important now than ever.

Bibliography

Legislation

Constitution of Georgia, adopted 24 August 1995 (last amended 2023)

Criminal Code of Georgia, No 2287, 1 June 1999

International Instruments

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (European Convention on Human Rights, as amended) (ECHR)

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (adopted 16 December 1966, entered into force 23 March 1976) 999 UNTS 171 (ICCPR) 

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