1. Introduction
Turkish journalist Can Dündar’s arrest came in 2015, after he exposed a secret shipment of arms to Syria by Turkey. Accusations against him included espionage, an attempt to overthrow the government, and knowingly supporting a terrorist organisation. Unfortunately, Dündar is not the only journalist who has faced legal prosecution for exercising his right to expression, there are several individuals in Turkey who have faced legal harassment. In 2023 Turkey became one of the leading countries that has jailed the most journalists, a reflection of the government’s authoritarian ways of suppressing dissent.
The scope of repression in Turkey extends beyond the media. In March 2025, Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoglu was detained on the charge of corruption and terrorism. This arrest was made right after his presidential candidacy for the opposition party, Republican People’s Party (RPP), was to be announced. His arrest sparked nationwide protests that have been responded to by security officials using unnecessary and indiscriminate force, social media restrictions, and mass arrests of journalists and activists. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), Human Rights Watch (HRW), and Amnesty International have come out to condemn the suppression of political opposition and peaceful assembly in Turkey.
Under Erdoğan’s ruling party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Turkey has systematically employed anti-terrorism and national laws to suppress opposition in all its forms. These measures go against both national and international legal frameworks. It violates the rights granted to Turkish citizens under its Constitution, The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). This article will present how repression of political dissent, protests, and press freedom has been on the rise, making the need for legal and institutional reform within the Turkish system immediate.
2. Legal Framework for the Right to Expression and Assembly
Internationally, Turkish citizens are granted fundamental rights through several treaties, such as the ICCPR, which provides the right to expression in Article 19 and the right to peaceful assembly in Article 21.And being a signatory to the ECHR, these rights are also protected in Articles 10 and 11. The international obligations that Turkey has have helped bring international attention to the treatment of those who dissent in Turkey. The Turkish Constitution also protects these rights domestically. Article 26 provides freedom of expression, and Article 28 provides freedom of the press, and prohibits censorship by the government. Furthermore, Article 34 of the Constitution upholds the right to assembly and demonstration, which allows civilians to peacefully protest. These rights are, however, not absolute and are refrained in matters of national security or threats to public order.
The Turkish government has systematically weaponised counter-terrorism laws to justify its suppression of political opposition, protesters, and journalists. One of the most prominent instruments is the Counterterrorism Law No. 3713, which vaguely defines terrorism and leaves open the interpretation of threat or force. This law allows the misuse of power by the government, as it suppresses critical speech against it by political leaders, journalists and other political activists by labelling it as a ‘threat’ to the unity of the state. The UN Special Rapporteur and the Venice Commission have criticised the broader terrorism definition of terrorism and have urged narrowing the definition to avoid its misuse. Furthermore, HRW, and Amnesty International have also called out Turkey for abusing its laws and urge the country to align the law with Turkey’s international human rights obligations.
3. Repression of Political Dissent
Masqueraded by the charges of terrorism and corruption, Turkey has manipulated the judicial mechanisms to remove political opposition. Legal prosecution of Imamoglu right before his candidacy nomination is a clear indicator that Turkey still employs these tactics. The Selahattin Demirtaş v. Turkey case at the ECtHR is a noteworthy example as well. Demirtaş, the applicant was co-chair of left-wing pro-Kurdish political party, Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), and was arrested on charges of terrorism. The ruling of the ECtHR stated that Turkey had violated Article 5(3) of the ECHR, as the Court found that the evidence was insufficient for the pretrial detention of the applicant. There had also been a violation of Article 18, as the real motive of the arrest was to limit political debate in the country, as the applicant did not pose any legitimate national or security threat. Even after the ECtHR ruling calling for his release, Turkey disregarded the court’s decision. This case shows the persistent utilisation of legal means to suppress political leaders in Turkey.
The Turkish government has targeted human rights defenders, like Osman Kavala, who was involved in numerous NGOs and civil society movements. He was accused and convicted of having financed the Gezi Park Protests of 2013 and faces life in prison. The ECtHR ruled that the detention of Kavala was an attempt to silence him as a human rights defender. The Court again found violations of Articles 5 and 18 of the ECHR and urged for his immediate release. HRW has also recognised the charges as baseless. Both these cases highlight the manipulation of the judicial system by the AKP to its advantage and how that violates the basic principles of political plurality that are crucial for democracy. Unfortunately, judicial prosecution is not the only means used to suppress dissent by the Turkish government, as protests are also violently suppressed.
4. Repression of Protests
Besides silencing opposition leaders, the Turkish government has also attacked the right to express oneself and the protestors. The Turkish government has been known to systematically repress public demonstrations with disproportionate means and excessive force. Most prominently, the Gezi protests of 2013, in which the security officials used violent means such as tear gas and water cannons to disperse peaceful demonstrators. The police did not just use excessive violence, but also harassed the individuals who took part in these protests. Many activists like Osman Kavala are still detained for having participated in the Gezi protests. These events showcase the willingness of the Turkish government to go above and beyond to suppress any voicing of opposition, this unfortunately, indicates a strong decline in democracy in Turkey.
More recently, after Turkish mayor Ekrem Imomglu’s arrest, the government has detained thousands of protestors who were merely practising their freedom of expression and right to peacefully assemble. Amnesty International reported that security forces have again used disproportionate force against the protestors, including use of plastic bullets, pepper spray, tear gas, and water cannons, etc. Turkish authorities have directly infringed the right to expression and assembly of the protestors. Despite the international pressure to change the way Turkey treats its opposition, present day events show that Turkey has not changed in regard to the use of violence against protestors.
5. Suppressing Freedom of Press
Particularly after the coup-attempt that happened in Turkey in 2016, the government has significantly increased its focus on suppressing the independent press. It started as a method to ensure stability in the country during an emergency state but has led to censoring and criminalising voices that were critical of the Turkish government to avoid public scrutiny. It is through the information provided by the media that citizens can form their opinions and make informed decisions. However, it has become a rather common practice for repressive governments to target and detain journalists who dare to speak out against the ruling parties. Even after the press and media organisations get constitutional protection in Turkey, their rights are still repressed, and they face threats, physical attacks, insecurity of jobs, imprisonment, or legal harassment.
Ahmet Altan, was charged with ‘an attempt to overthrow the government’ and for involvement with terrorist organisations, whilst he had only been involved in journalistic work, and he had not incited or advocated for violence. He also faces legal prosecution just like Can Dündar, which exemplifies a pattern of the same tactics used by the Turkish government. These high-profile cases show how the Turkish government has systematically suppressed the freedom of expression in Turkey.
The Turkish government employs legal and informal ways to suppress the right to expression and media freedom. In particular, Article Seven of the anti-terror law, which criminalises terrorism propaganda, is increasingly used by the ruling party to prosecute activists and journalists. Attacks on the press in Turkey are a post-coup reaction that has been weaponised by the AKP to continue years of war against political pluralism and the freedom of the press. The Commissioner for Human Rights in the Altan v. Turkey case also highlighted that severe interference in journalistic work cannot be justified by ‘neither the attempted coup nor the dangers represented by terrorist organisations’.
Conclusion
Turkey’s suppression of political dissent, free speech, and freedom of the press not only violates basic human rights, but it also threatens the democratic values of the country. By weaponising counter-terrorism laws to silence critics and stifle press freedom, Turkey risks severing ties to democratic principles. To safeguard a country’s future that is in line with democracy, it firstly needs to align its counter-terrorism laws with the rights granted to its citizens under the Turkish constitution.
By viewing journalists, political opposition and peaceful demonstrations as threats and targeting them, Turkey has already hindered political pluralism and stifled the freedom of the press. Turkey must also oblige by the ruling of the ECtHR and uphold other international human rights obligations. By not adhering to the decision of the regional court, the Turkish government also jeopardises its European Union potential membership. The right to free speech and the right to peaceful assembly are of utmost importance in a democratic society, hence Turkey must ensure these rights are upheld.
Bibliography
Cases
Altan v Turkey App no 13237/17 ECtHR (20 March, 2018).
Kavala v Turkey App no 28749/18 ECtHR (10 December, 2019).
Selahattin Demirtaş v Turkey (No 2) App no 14305/17 (Grand Chamber, 22 December, 2020).
Legislation
Anti-Terror Law No. 3713 (1991), Turkey.
Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (adopted 4 November 1950, entered into force 3 September, 1953) ETS 5.
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (adopted 16 December, 1966 entered into force 23 March, 1976) 999 UNTS 171.
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